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ItemMobilization for hindutva( 2005-01-01) Katju, Manjari
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ItemVirtual communities' impact on politics( 2005-12-01) Srinivasan, Vasanthi
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ItemXVI. Indian power projection in the Greater Middle East: Tools and objectives( 2007-01-01) Mudiam, Prithvi RamIndia's approach to the Middle East during the Cold War years was weighed down by the partition of the subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan on a religious basis, the dispute with Pakistan over the Muslim majority province of Jammu and Kashmir, and its own large Muslim minority. Hence, its policy towards the region tended to be defensive and reactive, and a general policy of support to the Arab causes, particularly that of the Palestinians, and a non-relationship with Israel were considered necessary to serve India's broad interests in the region. India's projection of secularism into the region was meant to prevent Pakistan from organizing an anti-Indian Islamic bloc in the region, and its projection of nonalignment was meant to scuttle the Western attempts to build anti-communist alliances there. However, the transformation in the superpowers relations following the collapse of the Soviet Union, changes in the regional environment in the Greater Middle East (GME) as well as South Asia and changes in India's domestic sphere created a new strategic and economic context for India to pursue its interests in the GME in the 1990s. There is an increasing convergence of strategic interests between the two regions and a growing complementarity of their economies in the post-Cold War world. Iran and Israel have become the two lynchpins of India's policy toward the region and, as an emerging global player, India, unlike during the Cold War, is in a strong position to promote its own interests as well as those of the international system in the region, which largely seem to coincide in the post-Cold War milieu.
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ItemMiddle game in coalition politics( 2007-01-27) Kailash, K. K.Formation and termination of coalition governments is not the end all of coalition politics. This article focuses on the post-formation dynamics of coalition governments in India at the centre. Drawing from organisational learning and institutional studies, the article argues that coalition experiments are learning entities. Learning leads to institutionalisation of relationships. Institutionalised relationships, the article concludes, help construct a shared world and fulfil a common vision.
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ItemHistory as revenge and retaliation: Rereading Savarkar's the War of Independence of 1857( 2007-05-12) Sharma, JyotirmayaSavarkar's account of 1857 has served to legitimise retributive violence in the name of Hindu nationalism. It is based on a conception of how the history of the "Hindu Rashtra" ought to be written, while enunciating a model of politics based on the opposition between "friend" and "foe".
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ItemIndian power projection in the greater middle east: Tools and objectives( 2007-06-01) Mudiam, Prithvi RamIndia's approach to the Middle East during the Cold War years was weighed down by the partition of the subcontinent and the creation of Pakistan on a religious basis, the dispute with Pakistan over the Muslim majority province of Jammu and Kashmir and its own large Muslim minority. Hence, its policy towards the region tended to be defensive and reactive, and a general policy of support to the Arab causes, particularly that of the Palestinians, and a non-relationship with Israel were considered necessary to serve India's broad interests in the region. India's projection of secularism into the region was meant to prevent Pakistan from organizing an anti-Indian Islamic bloc in the region, and its projection of nonalignment was meant to scuttle the Western attempts to build anti-communist alliances there. However, the transformation in the superpowers relations following the collapse of the Soviet Union, changes in the regional environment in the Greater Middle East (GME) as well as South Asia and changes in India's domestic sphere created a new strategic and economic context for India to pursue its interests in the GME in the 1990s. There is an increasing convergence of strategic interests between the two regions and a growing complementarity of their economies in the post-Cold War world. Iran and Israel have become the two lynchpins of India's policy toward the region and, as an emerging global player, India, unlike during the Cold War, is in a strong position to promote its own interests as well as those of the international system in the region, which largely seem to coincide in the post-Cold War milieu. © 2007 Brill Academic Publishers.
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ItemHow is democracy in South Asia? A comparison of the elite and the mass attitudes( 2009-01-01) Suri, K. C.South Asia is the largest democratic region of the world. It has been the biggest theatre of struggles for democratic development in contemporary times. Countries of the region have passed through variegated political experiences, including attempts to establish authoritarian rule, struggles to restore democracy, violent conflicts and efforts to resolve differences and divisions through negotiation. But, most countries of the region have sustained democracy for most of the time, although they are economically less developed and culturally highly diverse. While structural factors might be important to explain the dynamics of democracy in the region, the attitude of the people towards democracy is no less important in the success stories and the setbacks to democracy. Since we cannot view people as an undifferentiated mass, it may be useful to examine the attitudes of the elites and the masses separately to find similarities and dissimilarities between them. As the elites in any society play a crucial role in sustaining the political system, it is appropriate to know whether the elites of South Asia have favourable attitudes towards democracy, whether the elite and mass attitudes in this regard cohere with each other, and whether the elite–mass differentials are a cause for concern. What does democracy mean to the elites and the masses? Why do they prefer democracy and how much do they support it? How participative or indifferent are they in the political process?
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ItemElection commission and changing contours of politics( 2009-04-18) Katju, ManjariLooking at the past of the Election Commission, one finds that the relative calm in which it functioned earlier was the era of the one-party dominant system. With the coming of a true multiparty system, the scene has changed. Apart from the increased load of electoral work, the EC also has to deal with the changed nature of politics. Aspirations by multiple parties to attain or hold on to power have hugely increased rule-bending, rule-flouting and aggressiveness. These transformations in politics demand not only an altered approach to electoral work, but perhaps a reform in the setting up of the EC itself.
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ItemSecularizing religion: Hindu extremism as a modernist discourse( 2009-06-17) Devare, AparnaIn this article, I suggest that Hindu nationalism, like many other religious extremist ideologies, is a modern discourse rooted in modern categories such as a homogenous national identity, objective science and history, hyper-masculinity, and secularism. To demonstrate the above claims, I undertake a close analysis of the writings of V.D. Savarkar, a key founder of "Hindutva" or Hindu nationalism. I show how he retools Hinduism by removing all aspects of religiosity/piety while replacing it with a primarily political-secular identity that places an exclusive Hindu nation at the center. © 2009 International Studies Association.
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ItemSexual orientation( 2009-07-25) Baruah, Apurba K. ; Sharma, Manorama ; Misra, Tilottama Sharma ; Misra, Udayon ; Desouza, Shaila ; Siqueira, Alito ; Bhimalapuram, Prabhakar ; Madhava Krishna, K. ; Laltu, Harjinder Singh ; Dechamma, Sowmya ; Haragopal, G. ; Joseph, Jenson ; Ramana Murthy, R. V. ; Yasser Arafath, P. K. ; Palshikar, Sanjay ; Patel, Sujata ; Patnaik, Arun Kumar ; Rayaprol, Aparna ; Suneetha, A. ; Poduval, Satish ; Madhava Prasad, M. ; Manohar Reddy, N. ; Tharu, Susie ; Dhar, Anup ; Ghoshal, Rakhi ; Niranjana, Tejaswini ; Pinto, Rochelle
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ItemSexual orientation( 2009-07-25) Baruah, Apurba K. ; Sharma, Manorama ; Misra, Tilottama Sharma ; Misra, Udayon ; Desouza, Shaila ; Siqueira, Alito ; Bhimalapuram, Prabhakar ; Madhava Krishna, K. ; Laltu, Harjinder Singh ; Dechamma, Sowmya ; Haragopal, G. ; Joseph, Jenson ; Ramana Murthy, R. V. ; Yasser Arafath, P. K. ; Palshikar, Sanjay ; Patel, Sujata ; Patnaik, Arun Kumar ; Rayaprol, Aparna ; Suneetha, A. ; Poduval, Satish ; Madhava Prasad, M. ; Manohar Reddy, N. ; Tharu, Susie ; Dhar, Anup ; Ghoshal, Rakhi ; Niranjana, Tejaswini ; Pinto, Rochelle
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ItemMeenakshi mukherjee: A tribute( 2009-12-01) Sharma, JyotirmayaA tribute to Meenakshi Mukherjee, teacher, writer, researcher and translator, who died in Hyderabad on 16 September.
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ItemAndhra pradesh: A vote for status quo?( 2009-12-01) Suri, K. C. ; Narasimha Rao, P. ; Anji Reddy, V.The second consecutive victory of the Congress Party in the 2009 parliamentary and assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh does not mean that the political situation in the state is stable or that the status quo will continue undisturbed. Voters did not hand out a big victory to the Congress government, but gave it a second term with a reduced vote and slender majority in the assembly. The fragmentation of the two-party system into a truer multiparty system and the entry of new players were the primary reasons for the outcome. The victory for the Congress can even be interpreted as an opportunity for introspection by the defeated parties with the election results turning out to be an occasion not for dejection, but one of hope.
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ItemThe economy and voting in the 15th lok sabha elections( 2009-12-01) Suri, K. C.This examination of the effect of both "national" and "personal" conditions in the economy on voting decisions in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections demonstrates that the perceptions of people on economic issues do matter in deciding whom they vote for. A vote for the incumbent party depends on the well-being of the national economy as well as the individual household. Voting decisions are based on retrospective evaluations of the economic condition. Expectations of the economy in the future did not show a significant effect on voting decisions. While both national and personal considerations have an effect on voting, the latter seem to matter more to Indian voters than the former. An implication of these findings is that political parties cannot afford to be indifferent to the economic perceptions of voters.
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ItemAlliances and lessons of election 2009( 2009-12-01) Kailash, K. K.Analysing the peculiar nature of alliances in the April-May 2009 Lok Sabha elections, this study points out that a major change was wrought by the Congress opting to abandon its national alliance in favour of state-level agreements. The new delimitation gave the Congress an opportunity to redraw the lines and break out of the corner that it had been boxed into by its coalition partners. Further, unlike 2004, all parties hedged their bets, waiting for post-election negotiations, and both the major groupings announced no common programme. Another notable feature was the high proportion of seats in which a split in votes by a third candidate decided the winner. Added to the prominent role played by many state and regional parties, all this seems to indicate that coalition politics is here to stay.
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ItemUncertain verdict: The 2010 federal elections in Australia( 2010-11-13) Suri, K. C. ; Lofgren, HansThe Australian federal elections held in August 2010 delivered a hung parliament, with the incumbent Australian Labour Party having to depend on independents and the Green Party to stay in power. A close reading of the election results reveals the lack of substantive, issue-based differences between the Labour and Liberal parties. A trend towards a transition to a multiparty system is also noticed.
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ItemUnorthodox elite secularism( 2010-12-25) Patnaik, Arun K.
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ItemRethinking 'tribe' identities: The politics of recognition among the zo in north-east india( 2011-01-01) Suan, H. Kham KhanThe encounter between the state and disparate tribal groups in India's north-east or elsewhere not only affirms the state's monopoly of material and symbolic power but also opens up a complex and shifting discursive space. This article examines how the state's practice of recognising 'tribes' legitimises fixed and legible 'locational dialectal identities' among the 'Zo' in India's north-east and successfully transforms them into receivers of the state's largesse. At the same time, these practices also reveal the unsettled nature and fuzziness of 'tribe' identities as clans, dialects, and languages overlap and cross-cut each other. Although enlisting tribes among the Zo fits the state's 'classificatory' and 'serial-isation' grid, it also highlights the 'narcissism of minor differences' among them. While such enlisting helps expedite the integration of 'tribes' into the Indian state-nation building projects, it also unleashes contentious politics that prevent the emergence of larger frameworks of unity and solidarity across 'tribes'. Against this backdrop, the article ex-amines ongoing attempts among the Zo to redefine and rethink 'tribe' identities to tran-scend their 'locational dialectal identities'.
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ItemCivil society: Alternatives and differences( 2011-01-01) Palshikar, Sanjay
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ItemOn Hindu and islamist terrorism( 2011-02-26) Patnaik, Arun K.A comment on "Paradigm Shifts by the RSS? Lessons from Aseemanand's Confession" by Christophe Jaffrelot and Malvika Maheshwari (EPW, 5 February).